The outbreak of war in September 1939, caused uncertainty, especially in the industry's export section. Compounding the problem was a general downturn in production with the north and central districts facing the poorest season in years.

In his journal column, Jim Newman wryly commented: "It surely looks as though the growers and exporters must have had the "oil " about the war and were waiting for the Imperial Governments' contract which meant such a gold mine to them during the last war".

A state conference in October discussed general union policy under wartime conditions and how to clean up implementation of the 40-hour week.

The Depression wage cut was still a burning question, but exporters and the QMIB, despite prior promises, again refused to confer with the unions. An application to the court in early December was again refused.

Deeply disappointed, the union said, "the judgement is the greatest setback the union has ever received from the court, and must shake the confidence of the most ardent supporter of arbitration".

By May 1940, there was turmoil with the threat of dislocation. Unions outside the industry strongly supported the AMIEU. The union argued that meatworkers were the only group who had not yet succeeded in regaining the wage cut. Job action intensified; court orders against the union were ignored.

In August 1940, Swifts and QMIB proceeded against the union for failing to carry out a court order to supply labor. The maximum fine was one thousand pounds.

1941 dawned with the Depression wage cut still in place despite record prosperity in the industry. Angry, frustrated workers began to take action in the sheds and forced another, but unsuccessful conference in April. The question was taken to the rank and file and mass meetings were called at the start of the season. Every shed called for strong action.

The employers retaliated by lockouts and pay offs. An employers' application for cancellation of preference w as refused and a court-ordered conference failed. Another round of mass meetings agreed the union should apply to the court.

Backed by solid rank-and-file support, the union approached the court on July 2. The decision on July 30 granted a four shillings increase. After 10 years of industrial action, conferences and court hearings, the workers received only half the wage cut forced on them in the Depression years.

The allied forces were in a desperate position as the 1942 season opened. Nazi Germany had overrun Europe and advanced deeply into the Soviet Union. The Japanese had swarmed through South East Asia and occupied the islands to Australia's north. The country was facing invasion.

The Curtin Government placed the country on full war footing and called for the fullest co-operation within the civilian population. The ACTU backed the government and appealed to unions to avoid needless stoppages and employers to exercise the greatest care to see that no action on their part would cause friction and irritation in industry.

The AMIEU, with a vital role on the food front, supported the ACTU call but added, "it would not tolerate any use of the war situation to deliberately attack conditions." It also strongly urged stricter industry control, particularly over profiteering. The union co-operated fully with the Government and government authorities to overcome new and serious problems facing the meat industry.

Military call ups of young meatworkers caused a serious shortage of skilled workers. The union in cooperation with the military and manpower authorities agreed to a system of exemptions and releases from the armed forces to increase production. A transfer system of groups of workers from one district to another or interstate was worked out to meet production.

The union became deeply involved in plans to decentralise the industry in case of enemy action, and for a more orderly supply of cattle. As thousands of meatworkers would be affected, the union asked to be represented directly on the QMIB. The request was refused, although federal authorities had invited union representatives onto their boards to help tackle the enormous tasks facing the country and industry.

Despite the usual problems and arguments, union cooperation ensured maximum effort and production.

Some employers did not show the same spirit; the Doboy Bacon Factory and Maxim Cheese denied the right of entry to a union organiser who sought to enforce the award.

The Ross River tin shop dispute greatly soured relations and harmed co-operation.
The dispute began when management in late 1941 built a new tinsmith shop about 4km from the meatworks. Both the sheet metal workers' union (which covered such work outside meatworks on a much lower rate of pay) and the AMIEU unsuccessfully sought conferences with the company to discuss what wages and conditions should apply in the new factory.

When the 1942 season opened, the tinsmith shop began production under the sheet metal workers' award which meant adult workers' wages were cut by between 13 and 35 shillings a week. Boys' rates were also reduced drastically and hours were increased.

The court ruled that it was sheet metal workers' work and ordered the parties into conference. This broke down when employers demanded unacceptable conditions. Meatworkers at Ross River and Alligator Creek refused to handle cans made in the factory.

During the subsequent hearing, the court president Sir William Webb in an extraordinary and intemperate outburst attacked the loyalty and patriotism of AMIEU state secretary Jim Neumann.

THE PRESIDENT: Is this the situation? Am l exaggerating when I say a section of Queensland workers led by Jim Neumann are withholding foodstuffs from men, who at this very hour are fighting and perhaps dying in the Cora/ Sea and in New Guinea and elsewhere to preserve Australia from its enemy.

MR LEWIS: Quite correct.

THE PRESIDENT: I say it is black-hearted disloyal- treason-if the men know what they are doing.
It is important to know who is addressing us on behalf of important organisations in Queens/and, who is purporting to lead them.
The point is that you, with a German name hold yourself forward as having an English name.

MR NEUMANN: Because people prefer to spell the name the simple way. (Neumann explained that his father was born in Posen in Poland and he was born in Sonerto, Victoria.)

Outraged protests poured in from all over the country supporting Neumann; many demanded Webb be removed from the Bench. Queensland meatworkers called for a one-day stoppage to plan further action, and a special COM meeting was called.

After lengthy discussions, Neumann said he did not need a one-day strike to convince him of the sincerity of the rank-and-file expression of faith and loyalty in the union. He concluded: "The union had pledged itself to maintenance of a full production war effort consistent of course with rates and conditions not being molested, and I would urge members to stick to that policy."

During the war years, the union carried out its policy, to minimise stoppages and improve production, often with strong criticism from some sections of the membership. One COM meeting recorded: "It was a very hard time for officials both paid and honorary". Officials had to battle against deeply entrenched ideas and antagonisms, which had been bred and nurtured over years.

The entry of British and U.S. capital immediately before World War I and the giant British firm, Vesteys, in the early 1930s sparked the animosity. Workers angrily declared that decisions affecting their livelihoods were being made in boardrooms in London and Chicago.

The union gave close attention to the actions of producers and exporters. The chronic domestic meat shortage in mid 1943 was called a "racket". The union president stated: "Graziers will not sell because of high taxation and operators want ceiling prices abolished". The union called for a system of control of livestock and distribution of meat supplies.