Faces and places have changed dramatically in the last 100 years. Big bustling works have been demolished or left to decay in ruin, the owners' names forgotten except in old records.

Biboohra, Torrens Creek, Burdekin, in the northern district; Gladstone in the central district; Pinkenba, Buruda, Rosewarne, Redbank and smaller works in the southern district have all faded into the past.

A new phase began when foreign investment began in a big way between 1910 and 1914, when Borthwicks and Swifts began operations. They soon became the dominant force in the export industry.

Vesteys joined them in 1934 when it bought the CQME works at Lakes Creek.

Swifts started to pull out when they sold Gladstone, demolished by Camalco, in 1963. After 110 years of operations in Australia and New Zealand, Borthwicks sold all of its Australian holdings in 1988. Vesteys still operates Lakes Creek and Ross River.

A new round of change began in the 1970s. The business conglomerates, Elders IXL and Metro Meat, a wholly owned subsidiary of Adelaide Steam Ship Company, replaced Amagraze T.A. Field, F.J. Walker and Anderson, once big names in the industry.

After the collapse of the meat boom of the late 1970s and early 80s, discussions took place on rationalisation of the industry. A number of plans were put forward and rejected, but industry reorganisation and restructuring began and continues today.

In 1986, the four major companies-Smorgons, Tancred Brothers, Elders IXL and Metro Meat-formed a consortium, Australian Meat Holdings (AMH) with each company having a 25 percent share.

The deal involved nine meatworks in Queensland and Tennants Creek in the Northern Territory, since demolished.

Within two years, Elders had bought out the other con- I sortium members to become the sole owners of AMH. I When Borthwicks put its Mackay and Bowen plants up for sale Elders outbid Teys Brothers-51 percent owned by billionaire media magnate Kerry Packer-to secure the works

After long legal battles taken under the Trade Practices Act, Elders was finally ordered to divest of the Mackay and Bowen works.

The jockeying for positions by Australian interests has to some extent obscured the increasing Japanese hold in the beef processing industry.

MUDGINBERRI, a small buffalo abattoir 240km east of Darwin and run by an American born-operator, was a most unlikely place to become part of Australia's industrial legal history and trade union folklore.

Before Mudginberri was thrust into fame with the backing for rich and powerful anti-union business people, few Australians knew it existed. But for more than two years, it held a dominant place in all sections of the media.

During the early 1980s, the AMIEU became concerned about the cutthroat contract system and lack of conditions operating in seven small Northern Territory sheds. Although only a small number of workers were involved, it posed a threat to industry awards and conditions. An award was sought containing wages and conditions common to the industry.

The resistance of owner Pandarvis was quickly backed by a coalition of powerful industry groups led by the newly formed militant, rural National Farmers Federation. Lusting for a fight with the unions, they masterminded the strategy and supplied legal and financial resources. Mudginberri, with less than 20 workers, became a landmark legal case with important implications.

Extensive legal action resulted, and the union was fined. Refusing to pay, the union was again fined $10,000 for contempt of court and $2000 for each day the contempt continued. An order was made to seize union property to meet payment.

Further legal action was taken under the Trade Practices Act (TPA). After protracted legal battles the union was ordered to pay $1,700,000 in damages plus costs. This is the biggest amount for damages ever awarded against a trade union.

The growing threat of, and use of TPA and common law actions for damages, is used to intimidate unions and financially bleed them.

Mudginberri was and remains a rallying call for "New Right" political and business figures, to continue an all out attack on the trade unions. They want voluntary employment agreements (VEAs) and the exclusion of unions from the work place.

Mudginberri was of vital concern to all unions. The AMIEU took action against section 45D on the advice of, and with the support of the ACTU and major unions.

The ACTU congress in September 1985 carried a resolution calling for support for the meatworkers. Some unions gave generous financial support, but industrial support was very limited.