As the 1914 season began, the union was in splendid shape. Firm, far-sighted leaders, backed by united militant members and a strong job organisation, had in eight years made big gains in the export industry.

The Great War, which erupted in Europe in August, created a heavy demand for meat and an opportunity for huge profits for exporters. Foreign interests with wide international connections had entered the meat industry around 1912, and they exerted a big influence.

The large British company, Thomas Borthwick, bought land on the south bank of the Brisbane River and began operations at the Moreton meatworks in 1912. Swifts, part of the American Meat Trust, notorious in its own country for ruthlessness against trade unions and appalling working conditions, also acquired Brisbane land in 1912 for a meatworks. They also operated Alligator Creek in Townsville.

Existing works expanded and new companies were formed to fulfil the growing demand for meat. The exporters got in for their chop, exporting frozen and canned meat to Britain and for the armed forces.

In a book published in 1963 to commemorate Borthwicks' 100 years in the meat trade, author Godfrey Harrison wrote: "... everything was chaotic-and a lat of money was made-until the whole business of meat supply was bought under control. "

The Tory Government of the day, despite rapidly rising domestic meat prices, did little or nothing to curb such profiteering. The Ryan Labour Government on its election in 1915 sought powers, against strong Tory opposition, to give it temporary control of meatworks. Public anger rose when it was revealed that American meat companies were mainly responsible for rising meat prices. Evidence also accumulated of Queensland meat being sold to Germany and shipped through the U.S.

Meat exporters, graziers and the Tory opposition fought savagely against the government's legislation to control the price of livestock and processed beef. They used every available political, economic and legal tactic; the famous Mooraberrie case was fought in every court in the land up to the Privy Council.

Very large profits from guaranteed markets and prices depended on full and continuous production. In this situation, the union won improved conditions, wages and rates and secured many agreements well above the existing award.

The employers, unhappy with the strength of union organisation but driven by the big profits to be made, sought ways to curb the union.

The course of the war changed dramatically when in 1917, the United States joined the Allied forces. The defeat of Germany was now a matter of time.

Towards the end of 1917, the companies launched their offensive against the union. Anticipating the loss of lucrative markets, they wanted to take back the gains won during the war,

To do so, the union's strength and influence had to be weakened seriously. Preference, selection of labor and I strong job organisation were the targets. The use of the newly created Arbitration Court was the means.

In late 1917, the companies asked the Arbitration Court to regulate wages and conditions in the industry to replace direct bargaining with the unions.       

Industrial unrest and turmoil continued during the 1918 season. The companies at the end of the year approached the court to delete the preference clause, which had been in force in the industry since 1911.

In January 1919, the preference clause was deleted for all northern works and Gladstone.

Workers declared the works black, but called off the strike in March after pre-seasonal work had been completed by the employer-recruited work force, which included some AMIEU members. The season opened with the companies in a stronger position. Some union members, including members of the boards of control were | refused employment.

The indignation and anger of the meatworkers sparked one of the most sensational events in Queensland industrial history.

In the early hours of Saturday morning, June 2, 1919, many Townsville residents were rudely awakened by the thundering hooves and angry bellows of more than 300 stampeding cattle let loose after a raid on the Townsville railway yards.

Meatworker organiser, Pierce Carney, and Townsville Industrial Council chairman Mick Kelly, were arrested and then refused bail. By evening, a crowd of 3000 assembled at the famous "Tree of Knowledge".

Impassioned speeches roused the crowd, which marched on the watch house demanding the release of the prisoners. A scuffle broke out and four armed and very nervous police fired into the crowd. The fire was returned by a section of the crowd, which dispersed quickly, leaving nine men wounded.

On Sunday morning, an angry crowd again gathered at the Tree of Knowledge. Some men broke into nearby shops and armed themselves with rifles and knives. Shots were fired at watching armed police who quickly retired. The crowd later dispersed after, according to one writer, "shooting pigeons off the post office roof".

Carney came to trial on July 7 with the courthouse surrounded by police armed with rifles and fixed bayonets. The case lasted three days and was dismissed. It was successfully argued that Carney and Kelly were present, but were trying to restrain the crowd.

The drama and excitement of "Bloody Sunday" resulted from the bitter and long running industrial dispute between workers and management at Townsville meatworks.

Management was determined to curb the union, whose strength had reached its peak during the war. Very large profits from guaranteed markets and prices depended on full and continuous production. In this situation, the union had won improved conditions, wages and rates and secured many agreements well above the existing award.

The companies towards the end of 1917 asked the Arbitration Court to regulate wages and conditions in the industry to replace direct bargaining with the unions.

Industrial unrest and turmoil continued during the 1918 season. The companies at the end of the year approached the court to delete the preference clause, which had been in force in the industry since 1911.

On January 19, the preference clause was deleted for all Northern works and Gladstone.

Workers declared the works black, but called off the strike in March after pre-seasonal work had been completed by the employer-recruited work force, which included some AMIEU members. The season opened with the companies in a stronger position. Some union members, including members of the boards of control were refused employment.

Despite strong disagreement in the ranks, a strike was called on June 23. Only meatworkers responded; all other unions voted to stay on the job.

When the strike began about 80 "scabs" were employed. By mid-August, more than 300 were working, including AMIEU members who had dribbled back to work

A mass meeting on September 7 accepted the recommendation to end the strike. After two years of struggles, skirmishing and strikes, the AMIEU was defeated. Militant members and activists were blacklisted and lob organisations lost their effectiveness. Though preference was "restored in modified form" by the court on February 13, many long-standing conditions, practices and agreements were lost.

Some were regained gradually but it took 20 years and improved economic conditions in the industry for the northern district to regain its former strength.

In the early 1920s, the union was more and more being bound into the arbitration system, despite strong northern district opposition and unwilling acceptance by the central and southern districts.

Anti-arbitration feelings were strong and the call grew for direct action as opposed to arbitration to achieve union goals.

The defeat of 1919, with the loss of preference and the right to select labor, was a big setback for the union. Militants were blacklisted and the AMIEU's job organisation was seriously weakened. Union members who got back on the job were forced to work side-by-side with scabs, some of which had been AMIEU members.

Disunity and bitterness on tbe job further sapped the union's strength. The more militant workers blamed union officials for the defeat, adding to the divisions.

Just when the union needed strong and united leadership, serious problems arose. When Jack Crampton resigned in 1914, assistant secretary and accountant Ernest Jones was elected. When his work deteriorated in the 1920s, the 1924 state conference directed state executive to take steps to correct the position. When no improvement was shown, Jones was dismissed from office in 1925.

The new secretary, Pierce Carney, came to office with the union divided and in poor organisational shape. Employers were on the attack. Carney, who had begun work as a freezer in Townsville in 1914, had served one year as northern district secretary between duties as a district organiser.

Carney consolidated the state leadership into a positive and leading force. The union resisted the continuing attacks of employers and to a considerable extent; it maintained wages and conditions in the 20s and early 1930s.

Economic conditions deteriorated and by 1931 the Great Depression was worldwide. Its effect on Australia was devastating, with the crash of export prices for wool, sugar, fruit, meat and dairy products. The meat industry was hard hit; wages were reduced and the workers struck in protest.

World trade remained chaotic, with Australian beef unable to compete against heavily subsidised competitors. The exports to Britain, the main market, were threatened.